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新西兰留学生论文代写:难民公约

因此,在公众越来越怀疑和敌意的背景下,上世纪70年代和80年代的英国历届政府不得不在专制政权造成的越来越多的难民和国家容纳他们的能力之间取得平衡。不幸的是,随着英国对《公约》的解释越来越严格,这种平衡似乎已经偏离了难民。值得注意的是,《难民公约》从未被纳入英国法律,因此英国政府没有义务遵守它。直到1993年的《移民上诉法》,政府才不得不考虑这项法案。根据这项法案,英国移民规则和惯例中任何内容都不应违反公约。申请庇护的过程是漫长和不确定的。现在有严格的要求和大量的证据来证明一个人是真正的难民。这方面的一个例子是需要证明某人是某个特定社会群体的成员。如何证明这一点呢?英国政府对移民态度强硬的另一个例子是,那些通过第三国进入英国的人有义务在那里寻求庇护。这也许是一项公平的要求,但它很难反映出一个高兴并愿意接纳真正难民的国家的政策。自19世纪80年代以来,人们对在英国境内寻求庇护的难民的关注程度一直在波动。不能说英国在接纳真正的难民方面有着完全自豪的历史,尽管她的政策往往比她的欧洲和其他西方邻国宽松一些(那些寻求美国公民身份的人必须参加宪法考试,以证明他们对美国的承诺)。将历届英国政府描述为不愿接纳真正的难民是不公平的,而且确实有旨在帮助这些移民的措施。大部分移民经历的苦难发生,一旦他们被授予保护区,的土著居民(在基层层面和政治舞台),经常担心潜在的排水效果的国家资源的传入的人口,而且经常忘记这类移民实际上重大经济输入。总的来说,说英国有向真正的难民提供庇护的“光荣历史”似乎是不准确的。

新西兰留学生论文代写:难民公约

It was, then, against this backdrop of increasing public scepticism and hostility, that successive British governments in the 1970s and 1980s had to balance the increasing toll of despotic regimes causing higher numbers of refugees, and the capacity of the state to accommodate them. Unfortunately, the balance seems to have tilted away from the refugees as the British interpretation of the Convention has tightened. It is worth noting that the Refugee Convention has never been incorporated into British law, and the British Government is therefore under no obligation to observe it. It was not until the Immigration Appeals Act 1993 that the government was even obliged to consider it. Under this Act, nothing in British immigration rules and practice should contravene the Convention. The process of application for asylum is protracted and uncertain. There are now strict requirements and high levels of evidence to establish that one is a genuine refugee. An example of this is the need to prove that one is the member of a particular social group. How does one prove this? Another example of the British governments’ hardening attitudes towards immigrants is that those travelling to Britain through a third country are obliged to seek asylum there. This is, perhaps, a fair request, but it hardly reflects the policy of a country happy and willing to accommodate genuine refugees.The period since the 1880s has, then, seen a fluctuating level of concern for refugees seeking sanctuary within the UK. It cannot be said that Britain has a wholly proud history of accommodating genuine refugees, although her policies have tended to be slightly more lenient than her European and other Western neighbours’ (those seeking citizenship of the US must take a Constitutional exam to demonstrate their commitment to the country). It would be unfair to characterise successive British governments as being unaccommodating to genuine refugees, and there have been measures put in place genuinely aimed at helping such immigrants. Much of the suffering that immigrants have undergone has occurred once they have been granted sanctuary, at the hands of the indigenous population (both at grass-roots level and in the political arena), who have often been afraid of the potential draining effect of the nation’s resources of such incoming populations, and who often forget the significant economic input such immigrants actually make. On balance, it would seem that it is inaccurate to say that Britain has a ‘proud history’ of granting asylum to genuine refugees.

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